Monday, December 31, 2007

Year-End Awards

It's that time of year again, the time when everyone publishes their 'Best Of' lists - best books, movies, tv shows, broadway shows, etc. So here's mine, since I know you were waiting.

Since I've seen so few new releases this year I'm really not qualified to say anything about movies (actually, I'm not really qualified to say anything about anything, but hey, this is the Internet, and it hasn't stopped me yet.) While contemporary movies have not sunk so low as contemporary music or art, I still find most of what comes out of Hollywood these days to be unsatisfying. Yes, there is an occasional gem, but for the most part the storytelling art seems to have been lost.

Other than sports and CNBC's after hours financial shows, I also watch very little television. The Shield is the most consistently excellent drama on TV right now and has been for awhile, surpassing The Sopranos long ago. In fact, in retrospect, The Sopranos turned out to be a single first season of perhaps the finest television ever produced, followed by five seasons that included brilliant acting (especially Gandolfini and Edie Falco) and characterization, but disappointing story lines that sometimes came out of nowhere and went nowhere. The producers seemed to develop a contempt for the audience, or at least the norms of traditional storytelling, summed up nowhere so clearly as in the final episode with its in-your-face non-ending. It seemed to me that Chase's intent there was to expose those of us who expected some sort of resolution - even the mildest 'life goes on' type of resolution - as old fogies stuck in the past, unsophisticated rubes who lacked the capacity to understand his vision, his art. Perhaps he was right. Or perhaps he simply had long since run out of ideas and fell back on the post-modernist impulse to shock rather than entertain.

Of course, most successful television shows run out of ideas and continue on long past their primes; the list of those that went out on top is a short one. Unfortunately 24, for so long so marvellously entertaining, clearly jumped the shark last season. What had been incredulous but thrilling devolved into pure farce. I'll more than likely watch when the new season starts but I won't be expecting much, and I'll drop it quick if the ridiculous-meter maxes out again.

On a happier front, Curb Your Enthusiasm may have actually improved this season. Every show was hilarious. I absolutely love this guy. Watch some of the clips on the linked page. I guarantee you'll be laughing out loud.

Since we only made one trip to NYC this year, I only saw a single broadway play, Pygmalion, which I blogged about here.

That leaves books. I had a terrific year of reading - probably my best ever. By my count, I read twenty books in 2007 (the list is on the right hand pane of my blog, if you're interested) and almost all of them were exceptionally good - a few were simply brilliant. I don't have the time or inclination to check the publication date on them but by my count eight of them were published in either the past year or the year before that. Of the new books I read, I'd have to say that Ian McEwan's On Chesil Beach was the best novel. McEwan is the finest writer of English we have today and Atonement is the best novel published in the past twenty years. On Chesil Beach is not the achievement Atonement was but it's not meant to be. More of a novella than a novel, it lacks Atonement's gravitas and consequence. But it has the brilliant McEwan prose and storytelling ability and that makes it my best novel of 2007.

The best non-fiction of the new books? Probably Caesar: Life of a Colossus by Adrian Goldsworthy. While the focus is always on Caesar, any biography of Caesar is necessarily in part a history of the major events that led to the civil war and the fall of the republic, and Goldsworthy tells it with verve and a fine writing style, offering many fresh insights. Highly recommended to those interested in Ancient Rome.

The best books I read this year, however, were not new ones so I'd like to mention a few previously published works I read that really deserve attention - books that have stood the test of time and will continue to. To start with, a history. The Dark Valley: A Panorama of the 1930s, by Piers Brendon, published in 2000, is a monumental history of the Depression and the march towards war, covering the period from the stock market crash in late 1929 until the German tanks rolled into Poland in September, 1939. It is astoundingly good. Brendon is a masterful storyteller with a gift for synthesis and exposition. His short, biographical descriptions of the major players of the period are themselves worth the price of admission. Indeed, his introduction of Churchill (pages 604-610) should be taught in the universities as an example of history writing at its best. I read this passage, reread it, then read it aloud to my wife, simply for its pure entertainment value. The rest of the book is no less interesting. Brendon, like a master film noir director, plunges us deep into the shadows of that 'dark, dishonest decade', detailing, chapter by chapter, the causes and consequences of the events in each of the nations that would soon be at war. He explores the fears, the motives, the blindness, and yes, the cowardice, of those who might have put a stop to Hitler, and exposes the moral rot (on both sides) and the incipient evil that finally made war inevitable. It's a tremendous book, a tremendous ride.

Finally, John Williams. How had I never heard his name before? Williams, who died in 1994, wrote only three novels in his life, Stoner, Augustus, and Butcher's Crossing. I read Stoner this summer and was immediately convinced that it's one of the great American novels of the twentieth century. Williams' quiet, spare prose about the life of an unremarkable man who teaches English at a university does not seem to be the stuff of great novels. I tried explaining the storyline to a friend of mine, who scoffed at my description - not for him, thanks. The problem is that a mere outline of the story is utterly insufficient as a description of the book. All I can say is, read it. The cumulative effect of Williams' storytelling is powerfully moving and, in the end, heartbreaking. It is a tragedy but one with ameliorative effects. One gets the sense that Williams' point is that we all live tragic lives, or at least lives that will be visited by tragedy. It's how we handle those tragedies, how we pick ourselves up and dust ourselves off, that matters. In the end, we'll find a way of understanding the disappointments, we'll throw bitterness and self-pity off, and we'll find a sense of, perhaps not peace, or even contentment, but acceptance.

I waited a month or so to read Augustus, though I could hardly wait. I read a few books in the interim, good ones too, but Augustus kept calling. When I finally picked it up I thought it couldn't possibly be as good as Stoner - but it is. I've read volumes on the history of classical Rome but it took this work of fiction to gain my greatest understanding and appreciation of it. And everything I read on the subject from here on will be improved by it. Using the raw material of Augustus' life as a backdrop - rich stuff indeed - Williams' recreates the period in all its intrigue and ruthlessness. All the usual suspects that we know so well from the pages of the history books are here - Augustus, of course, Julius Caesar, Marc Antony, Cicero, Cleopatra, Agrippa, Livia, Julia. But they come to life in Williams' masterful telling, vividly and finally to life. We get a deep and clear understanding of them, their upper-class Roman way of life, the structure of their society, their way of thinking, and why they acted as they did. Told in epistolary format, it is not, as one would expect, a story of triumph. No, the story Williams tells of the man who created perhaps the greatest empire man has ever known is, like Stoner, ultimately a tragedy. In the book's final section, we at last hear from Augustus, who chronicles the major events of his life in a letter to his old friend Nicolaus of Damascus. It is August of the year 14 A.D. Augustus has only a few days to live and he knows it. He is on his yacht, determined to give himself a final holiday, floating down the coast of Italy on his way to Capri. The letter he pens over the course of these few days is in effect his last testament. He describes to Nicolaus the coldness that fell over him as a young man upon hearing of the death of his uncle Julius Caesar, and how he immediately turned away from his friends out of instinct and necessity. The distant, enigmatic Augustus we hear so much about in the history books takes root here within moments of Caesar's death. So does Augustus' realization of his destiny: to change the corrupt world which had been bequeathed to him. But he accepts his fate without joy or anticipation. There is a sense of regret running through the entire letter, his entire life. He's given up so much to gain, what appears to him in these final days, so little. From the time of Caesar's death he's been obligated to live a life he never really wanted; save for Nicolaus, he has outlived all his old friends and he acknowledges 'the triviality into which our lives have now descended'; the person he loves most, his daughter Julia, he has forced into exile, and he no longer speaks her name; the stories of his heroism and benevolence, the documents and statues, the histories of his life, all the deliberate works of propaganda that have built his reputation and allowed him to reform and consolidate the empire, are 'lies'. All those good and capable people who might have tended to the empire after he has gone have now departed. Instead, his beloved Rome will be relinquished to the cruelties of his despised step-son Tiberius. As death nears, he writes:
I have come to believe that in the life of every man, late or soon, there is a moment when he knows beyond whatever else he might understand, and whether he can articulate the knowledge or not, the terrifying fact that he is alone, and separate, and that he can be no other than the poor thing that is himself

'I have lived too long,' he concludes.

Thus, the greatest emperor in western history dies alone, with the conviction that he has outlived his usefulness and whatever he has accomplished will ultimately be for naught. As in Stoner, this knowledge is conveyed free of any bitterness or self-pity. Taking the two books together, we see that the Roman stoicism displayed by Augustus as he greets death is a philosophy shared by William Stoner upon his own death bed. It's the thread that links the mighty ancient emperor with the modern university professor. John Williams wrote two superb books - masterpieces, if you will - and you should read them both. If I were forced to choose among them I would choose, as the best book I read this year, Augustus.

Wednesday, December 26, 2007

I forgot....

...to mention in my last post one other Christmas present I received this year, and I'm glad I did because it gives me the opportunity to direct you to The Teaching Company. My wife and I have been listening to and benefiting from Teaching Company courses since its inception. The idea its founder Tom Rollins had when he founded the company in 1990 was to find the best professors in the country on a variety of subjects and have them craft courses aimed at 'lifelong learners'. That describes me fairly well. Over the years I've listened to twenty-five or thirty of their courses and while I've had some minor quibbles with a few, for the most part I've been extremely pleased. There are dozens of good teachers but I'd like to point out two who are simply spectacular. The first is Thomas Childers, Professor of History from the University of Pennsylvania, who has created three courses at The Teaching Company, all of which I recommend. You can get details of the courses by clicking on them from the page I've linked to. History comes alive in the hands of Prof. Childers, who fashions each lecture as an unfolding drama that keeps you on the edge of your seat. His book, Wings of Morning: The Story of the Last American Bomber Shot Down over Germany in World War II is also wonderful - the man has a knack for telling a story.

The second Teaching Company professor I'd like to point out is Robert Greenberg. The Teaching Company used to dub its roster of professors "superstar teachers". If this is so, then Greenberg is their Babe Ruth. His courses on classical music are so lively and infectious, so entertaining, that you simply can't go wrong with any of the twenty-some courses he's crafted. The logical starting point, though, for anyone wanting to learn about classical music is his monumental How to Listen to and Understand Great Music. My wife and I listened to this course over a dozen years ago and it sparked my love for classical music. We'd listen to a lecture, both of us taking notes, rewinding here and there to make sure we understood a point. We'd then talk about the lecture, perhaps buy some of the music Greenberg used in his examples and listen to it, and then listen to the lecture all over again for reiteration purposes, to really nail down his points. To this day I get a thrill when I recognize a baroque-era ritornello form, or break down a classical-era symphony's first movement sonata into its exposition, development, and recapitulation sections. I've probably listened to about ten of his courses at this point and in each one Greenberg is funny and passionate and bursting with information. He's the very definition of a great teacher - the guy who sparks your enthusiasm and makes you want to learn more.

Anyhow, the Christmas present I forgot to tell you about was this course, The Great Debate: Advocates and Opponents of the American Constitution by Prof. Thomas L. Pangle of The University of Texas at Austin. I listened to the first lecture today and it was, as expected, excellent. The American founding is one of my favorite subjects so if this guy is any good, I'll enjoy the course immensely. I've also decided to drop what I'm currently reading and start one of the books I received for Christmas, Joseph Ellis' latest, American Creation: Triumphs and Tragedies at the Founding of the Republic. Ellis' Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation is the finest book I've ever read on the American founding, and the other books of his I've read are excellent too so I expect this one to be a terrific read and a nice complement to my new Teaching Company course.

Too Marvelous For Words

For Christmas I received from my lovely wife some nice sweaters, some Godiva chocolate, a golf calendar, three books, and this, the highlight of my Christmas, a fourteen disk collection of Frank Sinatra's concept albums recorded between 1953 and 1962 for Capitol Records - some of the finest music ever recorded. I already had a few of the records but this package collects them all. After the festivities of the day we returned home last night and I lay down on the couch and listened to, in order:

Come Fly with Me

Songs for Young Lovers/Swing Easy

Songs for Swingin' Lovers

I'm fairly familiar with Sinatra at this point in my life so I knew I was going to enjoy these records. But I was surprised last night by how much. This music is simply superb - such perfectly chosen material, so tastefully conceived, so carefully arranged, so expertly delivered. To have it all in one box set is somewhat overwhelming. Normally when I have a large compilation of a single artist I'll listen through a few times over and then begin to make distinctions, picking and choosing what I like best and leaving the rest behind. I'm not sure that will be possible here. From what I heard last night I think the only distinctions I'll be able to make is between what is nearly perfect and what is simply perfect. I'll have to get to know it all. Any distinction I'll make will be which record best fits my mood, the whole idea behind Sinatra's 'concept albums' being that each of the records would have a different theme and feel. So I'll make my way through it slowly and attentively, and with great joy. Merry Christmas to me, and to you. Click on the link for an excellent overview of Sinatra's career by William Ruhlmann over at allmusic.com (Hat tip to Scott Johnson over at Powerline.)

Now if you'll excuse me, I'm going to go listen to Close to You.

Monday, December 24, 2007

'Twas The Night Before Christmas...and Ten Days 'Till Iowa

I don't intend to make this blog an all-political space, much less an all-Huckabee space, recent evidence not-withstanding. But the presidential election season is upon us in earnest and I am always fascinated by it, particularly this year when both party's nominations are up for grabs. I promise there will be times when politics are far-receded from my thoughts and the very idea of it will seem tedious and pathetic. For me, this usually occurs post-election, when the executive and legislative elites come together to decide over which of our freedoms they would like to limit next. The way it normally works is that the Democrats propose severe limitations, reasoning that it's for our own good and to protect us from ourselves, or, alternatively, that some of us are evil for making too much money and that the government must use its confiscatory powers to take some of it away in order to help the poor unfortunate. The Republicans then capitulate - oops! I mean compromise - on something a bit less draconian. Each congressman then slips a little something extra into the bill for his constituents back home, ensuring his re-election next time around. The eminent statesmen then slap each other on the back for a job well done, go stand in front of the cameras congratulating themselves on their bipartisanship, and issue press releases assuring the plebeian hoards that the republic is now safe. The president gives his nod, claims some benefit for himself, and the bill becomes law. The coddled masses barely take notice. A few intransigent folks observe that another slice is gone from the salami we call freedom, but their protests are met with yawns. This is the democratic process in America as we approach 2008.

But I digress. I meant to say that I am finding the nomination process highly entertaining, in a carnival-like, Menckian sort of way, and for now it is dominant in my thoughts. So I will leave you with three gifts this Christmas Eve morning, along with wishes that your Christmas is merry and bright.

The first is Ramesh Ponnuru's column this morning at NRO, in which he questions Huckabee basing his campaign on his evangelicalism. Read the whole thing but the bottom line is in Ramesh's final two sentences:
There are enough evangelicals in the Republican party to tempt a candidate to follow an evangelicals-first strategy. But there aren’t enough for such a candidate to win.

My second gift to you is the indispensable Andrew Ferguson's column in this month's Weekly Standard regarding the ban on the traditional incandescent light bulb that Congress slipped into the energy bill at the last minute and that the president signed last week. Ferguson is always highly entertaining but his humor does not mask the fact that he views this legislation as an outrage. Read the whole thing and tell me you don't too.

Finally, I have been eagerly looking forward to Jonah Goldberg's first book, Liberal Fascism, which will be released January 8, and this review by Todd Seavey makes me all the more so. By all means read the whole thing but here's a sampling:
Hillary’s not going to put anyone in internment camps (barring some strange new wrinkle in the war on terror), but as Goldberg explains, she comes from that same religious-left progressive tradition that saw itself as doing the Lord’s work whether it was expanding and ostensibly rationalizing the government bureaucracy or banning alcohol. Hillary has a mission, and it requires that we all think of ourselves as one “village,” committed not to selfish, individual ends but to letting government tax us more, regulate us more, and run our healthcare.

And she’s not unique this regard, of course. Goldberg also condemns “compassionate conservatism” and warns that “We are all fascists now,” as the subtitle of his penultimate chapter puts it. That is, after a century of collectivist zeal across the political spectrum (except among libertarians like Ron Paul, for whom I’ll vote in the Republican primary), almost all of us expect government to address every problem, speak to every heart, unite all citizens, forge a better world. We have largely forgotten that there was ever a time when government was a little-noticed last resort with few duties and few powers. As De Tocqueville and others warned over the past two centuries, it may be that mass democracy has inevitably led to demagoguery and a mild form of totalitarianism — government in every nook and cranny, but eager to “help.”

Again, I wish you Merry Christmas, while it's still allowed.

Sunday, December 23, 2007

The End of Reaganism, Part II

Considering my The End of Reaganism post yesterday, Carl Cannon's excellent review of former Bush speechwriter Michael Gerson's Heroic Conservatism in the Washington Post Book World section this morning could not have been more perfectly timed. Gerson's "Heroic Conservatism" is synonymous with Bush's "compassionate conservatism", and it fairly describes Huckabee's philosophy also, that, according to Gerson:
the bold use of government to serve human rights and dignity is not only a good thing, but a necessary thing. I believe the security of our country depends on idealism abroad -- the promotion of liberty and hope as the alternatives to hatred and bitterness. I believe the unity of our country depends on idealism at home -- a determination to care for the weak and vulnerable. . . ."

There in a nutshell is the language and philosophy that make traditional conservatives so uncomfortable: the idea of a messianist government; the advocacy of grand policies which have little hope of succeeding; the lack of any sense of proportion regarding what governments can and should do.

Cannon's review touches on many of the same themes I did in my post. Particularly interesting are these two paragraphs:
In fact, a subtle umbrage toward Reaganism seeps, perhaps unconsciously, from this book. Gerson never says why -- indeed, he never admits such heresy directly -- but eventually the reason reveals itself: Gerson doesn't have much truck with the government-is-the-problem wing of his party, a libertarian branch Reagan courted. Gerson cites only a handful of offenders by name. They include Hoover Institution economist Martin C. Anderson, who urged Bush to make the GOP plank more agnostic on abortion; Grover Norquist, who sought to stitch the Reagan coalition back together by defining conservatism as the "leave us alone" coalition; and former House majority leader Dick Armey, who thought "faith-based" initiatives sounded like a Democratic idea.

Being a Democratic idea is not, to Gerson, much of an insult. He finds today's party identifications artificial and the labels "conservative" and "liberal" insufficient. The world leader he lauds most (other than Bush) is Bono, and his admiration for Catholic social thought is so deep he feels the need to let readers know that doctrinal differences prevent his conversion from evangelical Protestantism. Translating such ecumenism into partisan politics is trickier; Gerson, who energetically uses the word "evil," believes the fundamental divide in America is between "moralists" and "relativists." The future coalition he has in mind consists of religious conservatives who take seriously the Christian's duty to the poor, plus the non-pacifist wing of the Democratic Party.

The two sets of italics italics above are mine. The first emphasizes that the evangelical break with traditional limited-government conservatives is calculated and deliberate - they have genuine disagreements with our point of view. The second reiterates the point I made yesterday, that the Huckabites are much more likely to make common cause with the left than with traditional conservatives.

********************************************

A few notes. To begin with, I hope I haven't given the impression in these past few posts that I consider the evangelical community as a monolithic block, all walking in lock-step. While I actually do believe there is more cohesiveness of thought among evangelicals than among most political blocks, there are some splits. Peter Wehner, also a former Bush staffer, has a terrifically interesting article in the current issue of National Review, titled "Among Evangelicals, A Transformation." The article describes the changes going on within the evangelical community among people under 30, who, while still being as pro-life as their elders, are much more likely to be moderate to liberal on other social issues. These young people are also looking for a break in tone and approach from "the hard-edged politics of the Christian Right." I can't find the article on-line yet at NRO but keep checking, or go buy the magazine. It is among these young people that Huckabee will be finding most of his support among evangelicals. I imagine some of the older crowd feel as uncomfortable as I do with "Heroic Conservatism".

Demographics also help explain why conservatism has such a tough road to hoe among the general population. Michael Barone, who knows more about American political history than anyone alive, talks about it in his latest column. Read the whole thing here but I'll excerpt the section that is relevant to my point:
...the preference for smaller rather than larger government is not as ample as it used to be. The strongest case against big government has been its failures in the 1970s, typified by gas lines and stagflation. But the median-age voter in 2008 was born around 1964, so he or she never sat in those gas lines or struggled to pay rising bills with a paycheck eroded by inflation. That demographic factor helps explain why Democrats today are promising big-government programs, unlike Bill Clinton in 1992, when the median-age voter remembered the 1970s very well.

Taking it all into consideration - the demographic changes, the splits in the Reaganite coalition, the perceived policy failures of the current Republican administration - it's hard not to conclude that the conservative moment in America is over.

Saturday, December 22, 2007

Although it's been said many time many ways...

MERRY CHRISTMAS TO YOU!!

The End of Reaganism

It's pretty clear now that the conservative coalition - that triumvirate of social, economic, and foreign policy conservatives responsible for the Republican party's fortune over the past thirty years - is coming apart at the seams. Prior to recent years there was much agreement and overlap between the conservative camps, and if disagreements existed at all they were suppressed in the interest of electoral success. For the most part, though, the tensions were slight and there was a general consensus among all conservatives regarding how we should live, and what the proper limits and duties of government were. Indeed, at its height, the modern conservative movement integrated the thinking of all three camps under a single tent and a coherent philosophy. We were Reaganites.

But the great man is dead, and, it appears, so too is the movement he spawned. The election of George W. Bush and the implementation of his "compassionate conservative" policies - a massive prescription drug entitlement, the "no child left behind" education bill, the "faith-based" initiatives that sought to support private religious endeavors with public money - probably caused the first large cracks in the coalition. The idea of using public funds to sponsor endeavors of these kinds, no matter how compassionate or benevolent, was anathema to many us. Conservatives knew that government has no aptitude in these areas, and more importantly, no business there.

The Iraq war, of course, and Bush's Wilsonian foreign policy, have been even more divisive among conservatives. Most conservatives initially supported the war as a punitive exercise against an intransigent country that supported terror and as a defensive exercise against a regime bent on acquiring nuclear weapons. Nation-building, had it been part of the administration's initial justification for the war, would have caused many conservatives to pause and consider the wisdom of such an endeavor. Bush's second inaugural address, in which he stated that "[i]t is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in the world" and that "we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom", caused many of us to blanch, and reconsider both the war and this president. Thinking of this kind is Pollyannish, at best, and dangerous always. While support of free and democratic nations has always been a pillar of conservative thought, the over-heated rhetoric caused many of us to believe that George Bush had more in mind than the security of the United States. Peggy Noonan alerted us to her concerns the following morning and shortly thereafter Bill Buckley and George Will, the two people I consider the most important figures in the conservative pantheon other than Reagan himself, both expressed their opposition to the war.

Four years worth of futility in that war surely didn't help matters. A quick victory that put in place a pro-American regime in Iraq and we probably wouldn't be having this discussion. Victory is within reach now but the damage is done, and the cracks have widened.

Into the cracks steps Mike Huckabee with a hammer and chisel, ready to complete the job. George Will's comment the other day that Huckabee represents the wholesale repudiation of Reaganism has been called an exaggeration but I don't think so. At the very least, Huckabee understands little of Reaganism, and he cares less. If he's ready to make common cause with anyone, it's with the left. His Foreign Affairs article hearkens back to Jimmy Carter's naivete and America-blaming, and some of his rhetoric on the campaign trail comes straight from the netroots playbook. He's been on the left on crime, taxes, education, and immigration. Beyond that, he apparently has no concept of limited-government, stating that he would impose a federal ban on smoking and a cap on corporate executive pay.

For many of us, the simply will not do. If Mike Huckabee gets the Republican nomination for president, most, though not all, evangelical voters will follow him, simply because they share his faith and his position on abortion. But it will leave the rest of us convinced that we no longer have a home in the Republican Party. George Will's comment will no longer be seen as an exaggeration but a truism. Huckabee's nomination will be the final nail in the coffin of the Reagan coalition. And we will have a decision to make. Do we vote for Huckabee in November in the slim hope that we can return a Republican to office, simply because he is a Republican, and no matter how much we disagree with him? Or do we stay home, guaranteeing that Huckabee and the Republican party at large lose in a landslide? For myself, since I believe Huckabee has little chance of winning against either Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama, the decision is easy. I'll watch from the sidelines as Huckabee is repudiated. The future will take care of itself.